STUDYING THE MAKING OF CITIZENS
The study of the development of "democratic character" among students is weak, and dated. What more, in practice schools' focus on developing democratic character in its students has also slowed--educators have re-centered their focus. This chapter aims to justify the educating of "democratic character" in the first place; determine what bars it; and better understand the social and psychological contexts of political socialization. The implications of this paper shouldeffect formal education, in the form of reform (i enjoy the word form).
at minimum, education should foster strong citizen identities, an understanding of citizens' roles, and hone skills necessary for this realization. (the role, btw, is as an actor, acting to sustain a representative, liberal democracy in a multicultural society). According to the authors, research has not focused on educations'/educators' role in this development. What more, the research has been overly focused on "practices" i.e. voting practices. instead of focusing on the "practices" the focus should be on patterns. The distinction is made here [when studying students]: "In the case of students, the question becomes are they developing lifelong patterns of political discussion, staying informed, and being tolerant in ways that can sustain a full practice of citizenship?" (93).
Other issues? researchers, typically, use determined definitions for topics, like "citizenship," instead of citizen defined definitions. The authors here are interested in the students' understanding of their role as citizens, and the extent to which their definition mirrors the socially prescribed role.
The authors here, thus, use an "interpretive model" (more comparative and more qualitative):
-more credible
-more explanatory
-less predictive
-developmental (recognizing that behavior is self-transformative over time; thus this research is sensitive to the ways in which practices of behaviors evolve over a lifetime) (93).
DATA:
US AND Great Britain (GB) school communities (4 types):
(1) suburban community
(2) rural community
(3) urban community
(4) immigrant community
Ind vars:
Sense of Citizenship:
"The key measurement task in determining the presense and centrality of citizens identities is to access whether this identity is apart of the core self, the pary of hte self easily accessible for frequent use" (98). Thus, students were asked "how often, if ever, do you think of yourself as a citizen of the US?" their answer to this question was compared to their answer to the question which substituted "student" "friend," "neighbor," "dem/republican" etc. for citizen.
-strength of citizen identity was highest for immigrants at 71.4%, than students in rural communities (60%), suburban (56%), followed by urban (55.7%). their level of identification for the other words was less strong (friend was strong). Thus students have core citizenship identities.
Question 1: Yet what is their understanding of citizenship? in all by the rural community (2), the meaning of a citizen was a person with rights and duties; for rural comms., the meaning of a citizen wasa member of the community, reflecting the tightknit social fabric of rural communities.
Distinguishing between citizen rights and citizen duties:
Students of each of the four communities were asked to rank:
(1) RIGHTS
civil, political and social
(2) DUTIES
political, communal, social, patriotic
Findings:
Although the communities differ, their is an obvious pattern across communities in their ranking of citizen RIGHTS. The only topic that saw considerable disagreement were topics where we see disagreements, in general--issues of homosexuality (the right to be homosexual) and abortion rights. Urban and Immigrant comms were opposed to both at much higher levels than rural and suburban communities (table on page 100).
citizen DUTIES were also consistent across populations, though the communal duties were ranked much higher by students from rural/farm communities. Also, the immigrant comm students stand out, in that these students stress the importance of social duties (see page 102 for full chart).
Question 2: To what extent are students developing the skills and motivation necessary to sustain regular political discussion?
measure (1) what issues do you talk about and how often [frequency] and (2) where [setting]?
FIndings:
schools, across all communities, are the setting for political discussions had by students (demonstrating the importance of schools in the development of citizens). Where there is considerable difference is in the frequency of discussion--students from immigrant comms rarely engage in political discussion, and neither do urban students; suburban and rural students at least engage in moderate levels of political discussion.
Question 3: How tolerant are students from each community?
Measure: ask students which group they disapprove of most (i.e. racists) and then ask them the number of tolerant acts they would commit toward this group. Urban and immigrant groups' tolerance toward the group they disapprove of most is very low; for sub and rural students, it is much higher (chart on page 107).
Question 4: To what extent does the educational experience help to ameliorate these deficiencies?
School experience broken down into four elements:
(1) the sense of school community
measure: identification with the school community and sense of shared interests.
(2) the students level of civic engagement
number of groups the student is associated with
(3) level of political discussion
asked how often they have serious discussion about political issues a. in school, b. at school, but not in class, c. after school, or d. with teachers (thus, a more concentrated assessment of the "setting" question, that just looks at the setting whilst at school).
(4) curriculum
asked if there are classes that influence their conception of citizenship, beyond american gov courses.
Findings:
(1) half of the students identify with their school--it is lowest among urban students (42%).
(2)sub and rural students are in more groups than urban and immigrant students
(3) political discussion takes place in class
(4) students talk about politics in english classes--though not at a high level or across all communities. it is based on contenentious efforts made by teachers, many of which do not conceive of this role.
Final and key question: To what extent do these four elements contribute to a sense and practice of citizenship?
Findings on page 113:
Civic engagment (membership in groups) is strongly correlated with a sense of citizenship, whereas political discussion, civic engagement, and discussion of politics in a non political class are correlated with a practice of citizenship.
Take home point?
social interaction in schools is key (i.e. group membership).
there is variation within schools (depending upon the teachers' efforts) and between communities
cannot reduce findings to differences in SES; the authors conclude that differences reflect subtle and not so subtle community differences in shared understanding of the meaning of citizenship, the importance of community, and goals of education, stressing the importance of a localized understanding of citizenship.
Thursday, May 8, 2008
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Sigel. (1970). School Children's Reaction to the Death of a President.
Sigel, Roberta S. “An Exploration into Some Aspects of Political Socialization: School Children’s Reactions to the Death of a President.” Learning About Politics. 1970.
Sigel looks children’s reactions to the assassination of President Kennedy --assessing the nature & stability of their faith in political authority, attitudes towards authority figures, & understanding abstract concepts. She concludes that political socialization begins at an early stage in life—children @ younger ages were able to comprehend more than parents thought & were able to distinguish between the person of the president & the institution of the government. Political orientation had an impact of grief.
Idealized Image of President
Father-figure hypothesis—president is benevolent, competent, powerful; a source of personal identification for child
School learning—texts, books, teachers increase pride in president
American political culture—optimistic & trusting of presidency
Absence of personal observation—able to maintain idealized notion of president
Assumptions re: how child relates to the gov’t thru the president:
President’s death is a threat to child’s own security—incomplete socialization of child can’t separate president from gov’t as a whole
More the child identifies w/ the president as person who meets need, the more grief & worry child shows
Death of president alters child’s image of political authority as omnipotent
Death of president elicits feeling so grief, shock, horror
Feeling of hostility & anger toward perpetrator
The study looks at:
A comparison of children & adult reaction to assess socialization development & also a comparison across child ages
Children attitudes re: omnipotence /benevolence of political authority
Child understanding of abstract concepts—i.e. justice, due process, distinction between president & government institutions
Methods:
Written questionnaire to primary & secondary students; N=1349
Grades 4, 6, 8, 10, 12—with attempted representation of all social classes, & white & black students
Hess-Easton instrument—measures presidential competence, power of the president
National Opinion Research Center (NORC)—measures reaction to Kennedy’s assassination
Author constructed instrument—measure abstract concepts i.e. conception of presidency in relation to governmental structure, justice, due process, view of Ruby/Oswald affair—also included open-ended answers
Results
Comparison of children & adult reaction
Emotional reactions are very similar
Political interpretations & reactions differ
Parents tend to underestimate extent to which children were affected
Most salient emotion across all ages was shock & disbelief; sadness was next
Younger children reacted emotionally similar to adults, but there was a decrease in similarity as children got older—increased age (teens) were less emotional
Children (especially younger ones) worried more than adults—greater dependency needs, more personally shaken when authority structure is shaken
Children less likely to see conspiratorial plots re: assassination (Cuba, Communists), suggests a lack of sophisticated knowledge, particularly among the younger students
Younger children were less likely to be upset that due process was obstructed w/ Oswald’s murder
Political Orientation--**you may have noticed pg 164 & 165 were missing from the reader—I believe dealing w/ the political orientation variables. Here are the bits I got from the reading.
Children oriented towards the Democratic party reported more emotional responses & feelings of aggression toward Oswald
African-American children more upset than white or Republican children
Partisanship is an important intervening variable in how children reacted to assassination
Presidential Images before & after Nov. 22
Before assassination: president seen as powerful, competent (Easton-Hess results), authors’ instrument shows some ability of children to be critical, but overall, an idealized notion of the president (although decreases sharply w/ age increase)
After: slight decrease in perception of presidential power; children express worry, but have faith in gov’t stability—shows ability to distinguish bwtn president & gov’t institutions
Sigel looks children’s reactions to the assassination of President Kennedy --assessing the nature & stability of their faith in political authority, attitudes towards authority figures, & understanding abstract concepts. She concludes that political socialization begins at an early stage in life—children @ younger ages were able to comprehend more than parents thought & were able to distinguish between the person of the president & the institution of the government. Political orientation had an impact of grief.
Idealized Image of President
Father-figure hypothesis—president is benevolent, competent, powerful; a source of personal identification for child
School learning—texts, books, teachers increase pride in president
American political culture—optimistic & trusting of presidency
Absence of personal observation—able to maintain idealized notion of president
Assumptions re: how child relates to the gov’t thru the president:
President’s death is a threat to child’s own security—incomplete socialization of child can’t separate president from gov’t as a whole
More the child identifies w/ the president as person who meets need, the more grief & worry child shows
Death of president alters child’s image of political authority as omnipotent
Death of president elicits feeling so grief, shock, horror
Feeling of hostility & anger toward perpetrator
The study looks at:
A comparison of children & adult reaction to assess socialization development & also a comparison across child ages
Children attitudes re: omnipotence /benevolence of political authority
Child understanding of abstract concepts—i.e. justice, due process, distinction between president & government institutions
Methods:
Written questionnaire to primary & secondary students; N=1349
Grades 4, 6, 8, 10, 12—with attempted representation of all social classes, & white & black students
Hess-Easton instrument—measures presidential competence, power of the president
National Opinion Research Center (NORC)—measures reaction to Kennedy’s assassination
Author constructed instrument—measure abstract concepts i.e. conception of presidency in relation to governmental structure, justice, due process, view of Ruby/Oswald affair—also included open-ended answers
Results
Comparison of children & adult reaction
Emotional reactions are very similar
Political interpretations & reactions differ
Parents tend to underestimate extent to which children were affected
Most salient emotion across all ages was shock & disbelief; sadness was next
Younger children reacted emotionally similar to adults, but there was a decrease in similarity as children got older—increased age (teens) were less emotional
Children (especially younger ones) worried more than adults—greater dependency needs, more personally shaken when authority structure is shaken
Children less likely to see conspiratorial plots re: assassination (Cuba, Communists), suggests a lack of sophisticated knowledge, particularly among the younger students
Younger children were less likely to be upset that due process was obstructed w/ Oswald’s murder
Political Orientation--**you may have noticed pg 164 & 165 were missing from the reader—I believe dealing w/ the political orientation variables. Here are the bits I got from the reading.
Children oriented towards the Democratic party reported more emotional responses & feelings of aggression toward Oswald
African-American children more upset than white or Republican children
Partisanship is an important intervening variable in how children reacted to assassination
Presidential Images before & after Nov. 22
Before assassination: president seen as powerful, competent (Easton-Hess results), authors’ instrument shows some ability of children to be critical, but overall, an idealized notion of the president (although decreases sharply w/ age increase)
After: slight decrease in perception of presidential power; children express worry, but have faith in gov’t stability—shows ability to distinguish bwtn president & gov’t institutions
Jennings (1987) Residues of a movement
Jennings, M. Kent. (1987). Residues of a movement: The aging of the American protest generation. American Political Science Review, 81:2.
Study of the long-term effects of the protest era on those socialized within it. Compares students who did and did not protest and those who protested over time. There were some erosion effects, but the protest group was distinctive even after many years.
Generation: group that grows up at the same time ie the generation that grew up in the 60’s
Generation unit: subgroup of a generation that has some distinctive common experience (ie protesters in the 60’s)
Generational effects may produce social change over long periods. Compared to period effects and life cycle effects.
Absolute continuity: same attitude is constant over time (ie 50% of gen x votes consistently over lifetime)
Relative continuity: consistent differences between different generations over time (ie baby boomers always 20% more likely to vote than gen x over time)
Equivalent continuity: unique generational reaction to anew stimulus.
Reviews the sample for Jennings’ study
All ppl in this analysis are college grads, separated into protesters and non-protesters.
Protesters were somewhat different before college, but more different afterward.
Partisanship and Civil liberties: baptismal effects:
--Party: In 1965, future protesters were slightly more likely to be Democrats. In 1973, protesters became more Democratic and non-protesters became more associated with Independents. Little change between 1973 and 1982. trend at individual and aggregate level
--Voting: 13 point difference in support for Republican prez candidate in 1964, much greater differences in 1968 (25% vs 59%), which continued in ’72, ’76 and ’80. protesters changed little, stayed at low support. Non-protesters became more republican. trend at individual and aggregate level
-- civil liberties: protesters more tolerant of civil liberties, but all college grads scored fairly high. Absolute and relative continuity of protest generational unit.
-- school prayer: little diff between protesters and non in 1965, diverge in 1973, with protesters more opposed, and trend held in 1982.
--school integration: protesters more supportive in 1965, diverge further in ’73 and ’82. Little change for protesters, reduced support for non-protesters.
Group Interests and policy views: erosion effects
--support for conservative establishment: protesters became more warm to conservative groups, but so did non-protesters, so there is relative but not absolute continuity. Bigger difference in feeling toward conservatives than liberal groups. Protesters more warm, but by less, and with less change over time.
--over time reduction in feelings that disadvantaged groups have “too little power”, especially in the case of young people. Erosion for both protesters and non, so relative but not absolute continuity again, except for young people, where the two groups converged.
--Issue orientations: very different in 1973, with protesters more liberal. The groups became more similar in 1982, with protesters more conservative than they were in 1973, but still more liberal than non-protesters in 1982. erosion: little absolute continuity, some relative continuity, but less than for other variables. Protesters also more liberal on “new” issues of reducing health and human services resources and abortion.
-results not likely due to regression artifacts
-paradox of increasingly conservative baby boomers is no paradox at all because protesters are a minority of the population, and even they have become more conservative.
Study of the long-term effects of the protest era on those socialized within it. Compares students who did and did not protest and those who protested over time. There were some erosion effects, but the protest group was distinctive even after many years.
Generation: group that grows up at the same time ie the generation that grew up in the 60’s
Generation unit: subgroup of a generation that has some distinctive common experience (ie protesters in the 60’s)
Generational effects may produce social change over long periods. Compared to period effects and life cycle effects.
Absolute continuity: same attitude is constant over time (ie 50% of gen x votes consistently over lifetime)
Relative continuity: consistent differences between different generations over time (ie baby boomers always 20% more likely to vote than gen x over time)
Equivalent continuity: unique generational reaction to anew stimulus.
Reviews the sample for Jennings’ study
All ppl in this analysis are college grads, separated into protesters and non-protesters.
Protesters were somewhat different before college, but more different afterward.
Partisanship and Civil liberties: baptismal effects:
--Party: In 1965, future protesters were slightly more likely to be Democrats. In 1973, protesters became more Democratic and non-protesters became more associated with Independents. Little change between 1973 and 1982. trend at individual and aggregate level
--Voting: 13 point difference in support for Republican prez candidate in 1964, much greater differences in 1968 (25% vs 59%), which continued in ’72, ’76 and ’80. protesters changed little, stayed at low support. Non-protesters became more republican. trend at individual and aggregate level
-- civil liberties: protesters more tolerant of civil liberties, but all college grads scored fairly high. Absolute and relative continuity of protest generational unit.
-- school prayer: little diff between protesters and non in 1965, diverge in 1973, with protesters more opposed, and trend held in 1982.
--school integration: protesters more supportive in 1965, diverge further in ’73 and ’82. Little change for protesters, reduced support for non-protesters.
Group Interests and policy views: erosion effects
--support for conservative establishment: protesters became more warm to conservative groups, but so did non-protesters, so there is relative but not absolute continuity. Bigger difference in feeling toward conservatives than liberal groups. Protesters more warm, but by less, and with less change over time.
--over time reduction in feelings that disadvantaged groups have “too little power”, especially in the case of young people. Erosion for both protesters and non, so relative but not absolute continuity again, except for young people, where the two groups converged.
--Issue orientations: very different in 1973, with protesters more liberal. The groups became more similar in 1982, with protesters more conservative than they were in 1973, but still more liberal than non-protesters in 1982. erosion: little absolute continuity, some relative continuity, but less than for other variables. Protesters also more liberal on “new” issues of reducing health and human services resources and abortion.
-results not likely due to regression artifacts
-paradox of increasingly conservative baby boomers is no paradox at all because protesters are a minority of the population, and even they have become more conservative.
Sunday, May 4, 2008
Klatch (1999) A Generation Divided
INTRODUCTION
"The thrust of my research aims at analyzing the development and evolution of political ideology and the enduring impact of political commitment" (11).
We associate the 1960s with the civil rights movement, and a shift to the Left. No one ever talks about the New Right, yet the 60s were a time of ferment for the right as well as the left.
Groups of interest:
a. YAF (Young Americans for Freedom)
b. SDS (Student Democrat Society)
Sample:
74 YAF and SDS activists followed from their political awakenings to their involvement in the 1960s political activism, and BEYOND!
Questions the authors seek to answer:
(1) How did these kids get drawn into politics
(2) What happened to them once they became "political"
(3) How did activism shape their adult lives?
Mannheim's "The Problems of Generations"
---
-youth aged 17-25 are in a decisive period--their "natural view of the world" is being formed.
Mannheim recognizes that generations are formed when the same group of individuals experience the same thing--like a depression or a war. Yet, this does not coalesce the individuals into ONE group--different individuals experience the same event differently. "Variations in social background predispose people to interpret events differently" (3). These are described by Mannheim as antagonistic, or separate, generation-units. The author here characterizes it as "intragenerational conflict.
Unique to the 60s:
-extension of high educ. to more of the population
-growth of the nuclear age
-post-materialist values spreading
-spread of youth culture
--vietnam war
Related themes:
(1) Political Identity: what defines a person as a social actor (the author is concerned with individual level ident. not the collective--although obviously the collective identity is important, as the author notes).
(2) Gender--men and women experienced the 60s differently. and women within each group (YAF and SDS) perceived discrimination differently. Some women on the right felt men treated them well/poor, and same with women on the left.
(3) Convergence of Left and Right--those on the left and right are not entirely polar opposites. The emergence of libertarians is crucial. It was a hybrid movement, drawing from the left and right. . "This overlap between the left and the right speaks to the peculiarities of American political ideology. Specifically, an affinity for values such as individual freedom, the impulse against bureaucracy and big government, the questioning of central authority, and the embrace of decentralized and local control are common to both the left and the right" (9).
Methods:
I. Life Histories
-indepth interviews that focus on four sets of issues:
(1) demographics, religiosity family dynamics and socialization (of indivs and their parents)
(2) political involvement
(3) indivs interpretation of key events
(4) live since the 60s
II. Participant Observation
-author attended movement reunions of participants
III. Archival Materials
-YAF and SDS org material analysis
IV. Retrospective Memory
-memories. "memories illuminate how individuals shape and reshape their identities" (13).
*life history problems? the authors have a number of checks in place. see page 14.
CHAPTER 2-backgrounds
Conclusions: childhood matters! the conditions into which we are born, the families in which we are raises, and the values and beliefs that surround us play a role.
Similarities in backgrounds between the YAF and SDS are that their childhoods were atypical--parents were politically aware and engaged. Further, their parents encouraged their children to be the same. "Thus for the majority of these youth, their parents provided them with the framework and motivtion that gave shape to their identity as activists" (58).
Interestingly, there are stark differences is social backgrounds between members of the YAF and SDS; these differences are what caused them to react differently to the 1960s. The differences are that although both had politically active and aware parents, the values, community emphasis and religiosity tendencies the children were subject to, differ.
"The thrust of my research aims at analyzing the development and evolution of political ideology and the enduring impact of political commitment" (11).
We associate the 1960s with the civil rights movement, and a shift to the Left. No one ever talks about the New Right, yet the 60s were a time of ferment for the right as well as the left.
Groups of interest:
a. YAF (Young Americans for Freedom)
b. SDS (Student Democrat Society)
Sample:
74 YAF and SDS activists followed from their political awakenings to their involvement in the 1960s political activism, and BEYOND!
Questions the authors seek to answer:
(1) How did these kids get drawn into politics
(2) What happened to them once they became "political"
(3) How did activism shape their adult lives?
Mannheim's "The Problems of Generations"
---
-youth aged 17-25 are in a decisive period--their "natural view of the world" is being formed.
Mannheim recognizes that generations are formed when the same group of individuals experience the same thing--like a depression or a war. Yet, this does not coalesce the individuals into ONE group--different individuals experience the same event differently. "Variations in social background predispose people to interpret events differently" (3). These are described by Mannheim as antagonistic, or separate, generation-units. The author here characterizes it as "intragenerational conflict.
Unique to the 60s:
-extension of high educ. to more of the population
-growth of the nuclear age
-post-materialist values spreading
-spread of youth culture
--vietnam war
Related themes:
(1) Political Identity: what defines a person as a social actor (the author is concerned with individual level ident. not the collective--although obviously the collective identity is important, as the author notes).
(2) Gender--men and women experienced the 60s differently. and women within each group (YAF and SDS) perceived discrimination differently. Some women on the right felt men treated them well/poor, and same with women on the left.
(3) Convergence of Left and Right--those on the left and right are not entirely polar opposites. The emergence of libertarians is crucial. It was a hybrid movement, drawing from the left and right. . "This overlap between the left and the right speaks to the peculiarities of American political ideology. Specifically, an affinity for values such as individual freedom, the impulse against bureaucracy and big government, the questioning of central authority, and the embrace of decentralized and local control are common to both the left and the right" (9).
Methods:
I. Life Histories
-indepth interviews that focus on four sets of issues:
(1) demographics, religiosity family dynamics and socialization (of indivs and their parents)
(2) political involvement
(3) indivs interpretation of key events
(4) live since the 60s
II. Participant Observation
-author attended movement reunions of participants
III. Archival Materials
-YAF and SDS org material analysis
IV. Retrospective Memory
-memories. "memories illuminate how individuals shape and reshape their identities" (13).
*life history problems? the authors have a number of checks in place. see page 14.
CHAPTER 2-backgrounds
Conclusions: childhood matters! the conditions into which we are born, the families in which we are raises, and the values and beliefs that surround us play a role.
Similarities in backgrounds between the YAF and SDS are that their childhoods were atypical--parents were politically aware and engaged. Further, their parents encouraged their children to be the same. "Thus for the majority of these youth, their parents provided them with the framework and motivtion that gave shape to their identity as activists" (58).
Interestingly, there are stark differences is social backgrounds between members of the YAF and SDS; these differences are what caused them to react differently to the 1960s. The differences are that although both had politically active and aware parents, the values, community emphasis and religiosity tendencies the children were subject to, differ.
Thursday, May 1, 2008
Cole, Zucker & Ostrove (1999) Political Participation and Feminist Consciosness Among Women Activists of the 1960s
Abstract:
This paper examines the hypothesis that women who took part in student movements of the 1960s would be distinguishable from their contemporaries in terms of political ideology, political behavior, and feminism in the middle age. Women who had been identified as students activists in public records during the late 1960s and early 1970s were compared to a sample of nonactivist peers. Although the two groups scored similarly on variables related to work and family arrangements, former activits scored high on measures of leftist political orientation and political efficacy, reported greater political salience and collectivsm, and reported greater current political participation. Although both groups reported high levels of feminist consciousness and identity, activists scored significantly higher. The difficulty of politically mobilizing women to combat gender discrimination is discussed in light of the discrepancy between consciousness and activism in the comparison group.
This paper examines the hypothesis that women who took part in student movements of the 1960s would be distinguishable from their contemporaries in terms of political ideology, political behavior, and feminism in the middle age. Women who had been identified as students activists in public records during the late 1960s and early 1970s were compared to a sample of nonactivist peers. Although the two groups scored similarly on variables related to work and family arrangements, former activits scored high on measures of leftist political orientation and political efficacy, reported greater political salience and collectivsm, and reported greater current political participation. Although both groups reported high levels of feminist consciousness and identity, activists scored significantly higher. The difficulty of politically mobilizing women to combat gender discrimination is discussed in light of the discrepancy between consciousness and activism in the comparison group.
Hawkins, Pingree & Roberts (1975) Watergate and Political Socialization
What was the long term impact of the Watergate crisis on children?
Studies show that children as young as 8 begin to form political ideas (406).
studies assessing parents and schools as the main socializing agents have not panned out; there must be something else going on.
Why Watergate? Much more information was available; and for a long time. second, it was a tarnished picture of the political process. One that differs from what they are taught in school. Third, the affective judgments encouraged by the event--lying cheating etc--are the simple good/bad kind that are easy for children to make and understand. Fourth, the President is the focus... central to a child's conception of government.
Research Design
Naturally design experiment: Watergate
Questions:
(1) What did Watergate mean to children it terms of their communication behaviors, knowledge of the events, and attitudes about specific and general aspects of the political system?
(2) which children were most involved in and affected by the Watergate scandal?
Family Communication:
(1) socio-orientation: encourage the child to avoid controversy
(2) concept-orientation: encourage expression of ideas and exposure to controversy
Hypotheses:
children from c.o. families to have payed attention to w.g. but not to have made affective judgments
children from s.o. families to have payed less attention to w.g., but still affect attitudinal responses to affective issues in the w.g. events.
Method:
N=1,173 1972
4, 5, 6, 8, 10, and 12 graders
Independent Variables:
Grade--older children = more comm and more knowledge
C.O. no diff
Party Preference no diff
S.O. by party no diff
Grade by Party Pref. no diff
Interest in Politics higher among older
Mean Use for Political Info more info consumption = more comm and more ken
Discussion of Politics high discourse = more communication
Dependent Variables:
Knowledge of W.G.
Communication about W.G.
Nixon's Involvement
Eval of Nixon
Findings:
Studies show that children as young as 8 begin to form political ideas (406).
studies assessing parents and schools as the main socializing agents have not panned out; there must be something else going on.
Why Watergate? Much more information was available; and for a long time. second, it was a tarnished picture of the political process. One that differs from what they are taught in school. Third, the affective judgments encouraged by the event--lying cheating etc--are the simple good/bad kind that are easy for children to make and understand. Fourth, the President is the focus... central to a child's conception of government.
Research Design
Naturally design experiment: Watergate
Questions:
(1) What did Watergate mean to children it terms of their communication behaviors, knowledge of the events, and attitudes about specific and general aspects of the political system?
(2) which children were most involved in and affected by the Watergate scandal?
Family Communication:
(1) socio-orientation: encourage the child to avoid controversy
(2) concept-orientation: encourage expression of ideas and exposure to controversy
Hypotheses:
children from c.o. families to have payed attention to w.g. but not to have made affective judgments
children from s.o. families to have payed less attention to w.g., but still affect attitudinal responses to affective issues in the w.g. events.
Method:
N=1,173 1972
4, 5, 6, 8, 10, and 12 graders
Independent Variables:
Grade--older children = more comm and more knowledge
C.O. no diff
Party Preference no diff
S.O. by party no diff
Grade by Party Pref. no diff
Interest in Politics higher among older
Mean Use for Political Info more info consumption = more comm and more ken
Discussion of Politics high discourse = more communication
Dependent Variables:
Knowledge of W.G.
Communication about W.G.
Nixon's Involvement
Eval of Nixon
Findings:
Sears & Valentino (1997) Politics Matters: Political Events as Catalysts for Preadult Socialization
Abstract:
We propose that (1) the preadult socialization of longstanding, stable predispositions is catalyzed by exogenous political events; (2) such events socialize attitudes selectively, only in the specific domains they make salient; and so (3) longstanding predispositions tend to be socialized episodically rather than incrementally. This theory is applied to the socialization of partisanship during a presidential campaign, examining gains in information, affective expression, and attitude crystalization. Adolescents (aged 10 to 17) and their parents were interviewed in a three-wave panel study, at the beginning of a presidential campaign, at the end, and a year later. The campaign induced substantial preadult socialization gains regarding attitude objects central to the campaign (candidates and parties), particularly in the stability of preadults' partisanship. There were few gains in attitude domains peripheral to the campaign or during the postcampaign period. These findings suggest that periodic political events catalyze preadult socialization, generating predispostions that persist into later life stages.
There are two positions:
(1) those scholars that hold that basic attitudes are susceptible to change (Downs 1957; Key 1966)
(2) scholars that hold attitudes are formed young, and persist into adulthood (Campbell 1960)
Thus there are considerable discrepencies about the origins and persistence of party identification. Yet "understanding the origins of Americans' party identification is of unquestioned importance for understanding voting behavior in the US" (2).
Three questions this article asks:
(1) Are preadult opinions meaningful? i.e. do preadult political opinions withstand time?
(2) Is there a point at which the attitude becomes fortified? i.e. the attitude is strong. Many have argued that attitudes captured in surveys are actually "non-attitudes" and oscilate with the question, mood, and time of survey.
(3) What is the rate of persistence? Do we adjust our view, or is it stable?
When are attitudes crystalized? the crystalization of attitudes involves attitude stability. when do they go form nonattitudes to "real" attitudes? The authors suggest it is at times when crucial events provide an extensive information flow (i.e. presidential campaigns)
Implications for findings:
(1) politics matter, to adults and preadults
(2) political socialization will progress discontinuously overtime
(3) different attitudes are likely to have quite different growth curves
(4) generational effects should emerge on issues that become highly salient in one specific historical era.
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL EVENTS
prior political experience affects the effect of events; more fully socialized adults may be less effected by an event like the choice of our country to go to war. But preadults are likely to be less socialized than adults, and the authors hypothesize that a political events can help preadults close the gap. "Prior work on poltiical socialization suggests that preadults' precampaign attiudes are liekly to be high in expressed affect but based upon relatively little information and rather uncrystalized" (pg?).
Four state hypotheses:
H1 a pres campaign should generate preadult socialization gains in the attitude domains most centrl to the campaign, relative to precampaign baselines.
H2 preadults should show fewer socialization gains in the periods between presidential campaigns than duing campaigns
H3 during the campaign period, preadults should show fewer socialization gains in attitude domains either less salient or wholly peripheral to the campaign than in domains central to the campaign
H4 the campaign should help close the initial socialization gap between preadult and adults in domains central to the campaign. Yet it should not diminish preadult-adult gap in domains peripheral to the campaign, or in any domain during the post-campaign period.
Dep var:
socialization gains "expressed affect, information, and attitude crystallization. (measured using three dimensions of crystallization: (1) stability, (2) consistency and (3) the power of one attitude to determine other attitudes toward new or neutral objects).
Data:
three-wave panel studny of families from WI.
wave 1 N=718 parent-offspring pairs
wave 2 N = 501
wave 3 N = 366
Attitude domains: the president running and the political parties
Procedure:
effects of the campaign are assessed by comparing wave 1 with wave 2. if the campaign was a potent socializing event, then adolescents should show gains in the most central domains over the two waves. they should be less likely to show gains in the less salient domains between wave 2 and 3, conducted a year later. If there do happen to be gains in less salient or peripheral domains, they are from other sources, ie family socialization.
Measurement:
partisan affect strength:
(1) Candidate opinionation: like or dislike for candidate (carter, kennedy, reagan, bush)
(2) Candidate affect: intensity measure
(3) Party opinionation: evaluate party--4 questions
(4) Party affect: intensity of each eval.
partisan information measure:
(1) four factual questions regarding the candidates party affiliation
(2) ability to link party to corresponding symbols (14 of them)
(3) party-issue placement (4 specific issue questions)
crystalization measure:
most attention to the domains of insterest to campaign, and stability of attitudes of participations on these issues.
Findings:
Preadults
Affect (Wave 1, 2, 3)
(1) candidate opinionation (.83, .92, .95)
(2) intensity (2.02, 2.21, 2.29)
(3) party opinionation (.69, .79, .77)
(4) intensity (1.52, 1.73, 1.67)
Information
(1) candidates’ party (.49, .67, .66)
(2) party symbols (.39, .44, .50)
(3) party issue-placement (.41, .52, .64)
Attitude crystallization
(1) consistency of candidate evals (1.14, .97, .96)
(2) stability of candidate evals (1.02, .85, NA)
(3) consistency of party i.d. w candidate evals (1.55, 1.36, 1.27)
(4) consistency of party i.d. (.63, .67, .60)
Before election Preadults were partisan, but had little factual knowledge.
Preadult socialization gains during campaign: partisanship increased; party id became more crystallized; gained knowledge.
Preadult socialization after the campaign: measures of crystallization largely stops.
NO socialization gains in less salient domains.
We propose that (1) the preadult socialization of longstanding, stable predispositions is catalyzed by exogenous political events; (2) such events socialize attitudes selectively, only in the specific domains they make salient; and so (3) longstanding predispositions tend to be socialized episodically rather than incrementally. This theory is applied to the socialization of partisanship during a presidential campaign, examining gains in information, affective expression, and attitude crystalization. Adolescents (aged 10 to 17) and their parents were interviewed in a three-wave panel study, at the beginning of a presidential campaign, at the end, and a year later. The campaign induced substantial preadult socialization gains regarding attitude objects central to the campaign (candidates and parties), particularly in the stability of preadults' partisanship. There were few gains in attitude domains peripheral to the campaign or during the postcampaign period. These findings suggest that periodic political events catalyze preadult socialization, generating predispostions that persist into later life stages.
There are two positions:
(1) those scholars that hold that basic attitudes are susceptible to change (Downs 1957; Key 1966)
(2) scholars that hold attitudes are formed young, and persist into adulthood (Campbell 1960)
Thus there are considerable discrepencies about the origins and persistence of party identification. Yet "understanding the origins of Americans' party identification is of unquestioned importance for understanding voting behavior in the US" (2).
Three questions this article asks:
(1) Are preadult opinions meaningful? i.e. do preadult political opinions withstand time?
(2) Is there a point at which the attitude becomes fortified? i.e. the attitude is strong. Many have argued that attitudes captured in surveys are actually "non-attitudes" and oscilate with the question, mood, and time of survey.
(3) What is the rate of persistence? Do we adjust our view, or is it stable?
When are attitudes crystalized? the crystalization of attitudes involves attitude stability. when do they go form nonattitudes to "real" attitudes? The authors suggest it is at times when crucial events provide an extensive information flow (i.e. presidential campaigns)
Implications for findings:
(1) politics matter, to adults and preadults
(2) political socialization will progress discontinuously overtime
(3) different attitudes are likely to have quite different growth curves
(4) generational effects should emerge on issues that become highly salient in one specific historical era.
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL EVENTS
prior political experience affects the effect of events; more fully socialized adults may be less effected by an event like the choice of our country to go to war. But preadults are likely to be less socialized than adults, and the authors hypothesize that a political events can help preadults close the gap. "Prior work on poltiical socialization suggests that preadults' precampaign attiudes are liekly to be high in expressed affect but based upon relatively little information and rather uncrystalized" (pg?).
Four state hypotheses:
H1 a pres campaign should generate preadult socialization gains in the attitude domains most centrl to the campaign, relative to precampaign baselines.
H2 preadults should show fewer socialization gains in the periods between presidential campaigns than duing campaigns
H3 during the campaign period, preadults should show fewer socialization gains in attitude domains either less salient or wholly peripheral to the campaign than in domains central to the campaign
H4 the campaign should help close the initial socialization gap between preadult and adults in domains central to the campaign. Yet it should not diminish preadult-adult gap in domains peripheral to the campaign, or in any domain during the post-campaign period.
Dep var:
socialization gains "expressed affect, information, and attitude crystallization. (measured using three dimensions of crystallization: (1) stability, (2) consistency and (3) the power of one attitude to determine other attitudes toward new or neutral objects).
Data:
three-wave panel studny of families from WI.
wave 1 N=718 parent-offspring pairs
wave 2 N = 501
wave 3 N = 366
Attitude domains: the president running and the political parties
Procedure:
effects of the campaign are assessed by comparing wave 1 with wave 2. if the campaign was a potent socializing event, then adolescents should show gains in the most central domains over the two waves. they should be less likely to show gains in the less salient domains between wave 2 and 3, conducted a year later. If there do happen to be gains in less salient or peripheral domains, they are from other sources, ie family socialization.
Measurement:
partisan affect strength:
(1) Candidate opinionation: like or dislike for candidate (carter, kennedy, reagan, bush)
(2) Candidate affect: intensity measure
(3) Party opinionation: evaluate party--4 questions
(4) Party affect: intensity of each eval.
partisan information measure:
(1) four factual questions regarding the candidates party affiliation
(2) ability to link party to corresponding symbols (14 of them)
(3) party-issue placement (4 specific issue questions)
crystalization measure:
most attention to the domains of insterest to campaign, and stability of attitudes of participations on these issues.
Findings:
Preadults
Affect (Wave 1, 2, 3)
(1) candidate opinionation (.83, .92, .95)
(2) intensity (2.02, 2.21, 2.29)
(3) party opinionation (.69, .79, .77)
(4) intensity (1.52, 1.73, 1.67)
Information
(1) candidates’ party (.49, .67, .66)
(2) party symbols (.39, .44, .50)
(3) party issue-placement (.41, .52, .64)
Attitude crystallization
(1) consistency of candidate evals (1.14, .97, .96)
(2) stability of candidate evals (1.02, .85, NA)
(3) consistency of party i.d. w candidate evals (1.55, 1.36, 1.27)
(4) consistency of party i.d. (.63, .67, .60)
Before election Preadults were partisan, but had little factual knowledge.
Preadult socialization gains during campaign: partisanship increased; party id became more crystallized; gained knowledge.
Preadult socialization after the campaign: measures of crystallization largely stops.
NO socialization gains in less salient domains.
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